Nine commission members from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) disposed of their morality and consciences by saving the former ministers from litigation -- at least for the time being. However, there is still a possibility that they will face the Yüce Divan due to demands by the opposition for a parliamentary vote, which would take place in January.
There is another commission decision with more far-reaching consequences than the non-referral of the four former ministers -- who have been forced to resign from office in light of the corruption charges -- for trial. This decision has the potential to irreparably undermine peoples' sense of justice and their collective conscience. With the support of all nine AKP members, the commission held that all evidence of graft or bribery should be destroyed one to two days after the decision was made.
With this decision, the AKP demonstrated beyond doubt that the decadent disregard for the law that became public on Dec. 17 and 25, 2013 was not restricted to a handful of its members who had strayed from the path but has become part of the institutional identity of the AKP. This scandalous decision protected the culprits, covered up crimes and obscured evidence, implying that the corrupt former ministers constitute only the tip of the iceberg. What we now see is the corrupt, decadent and fetid identity of a ruling party that no longer sees corruption as a crime or even a shameful or sinful act. With these decisions, the entire party has, in a sense, shouted, "We are all thieves, bribe-takers and corrupt people," or even, "We are all Reza Zarrab."
This decision echoes the concept of the "banality of evil," coined by Hannah Arendt in her book "Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil." With the commission's decision, the AKP has thrown its institutional weight behind the decadence stemming from theft, bribery, graft, corruption, lies, slander and unlawfulness, making it banal. Arendt argues, though in a different context, that unfathomable evil deeds stem from ordinary people.
In the wake of World War II, Nazi officer Adolf Eichmann was caught in Argentina and taken to Jerusalem to be tried on charges of genocide. The New Yorker sent Arendt, a German philosopher living in New York, to Jerusalem to cover the trial. Arendt monitored the trial and recorded her impressions. She later collected her observations in a book, explaining the crime Eichmann committed in sending millions to death in concentration camps through the concept of the "banality of evil." With this concept, Arendt argued not that "evil" itself is "banal," but that gross crimes against humanity can be committed by ordinary people. Eichmann pleaded not guilty, claiming he was just complying with orders. This was the very pathology Arendt criticized: a lack of critical thinking had made Eichmann's murders "banal.”
Arendt made it clear that great acts of tyranny may be the result of simple traits, the worst of which, she argued, was "careerism." Eichmann was actually a mediocre bureaucrat, who believed he must carry out orders given to him in the best way possible so that he would be favored by his party. He assumed this was a legitimate thing to do. He sought only to further his career. In short, one of the deadliest genocides in human history was carried out by low-caliber civil servants who were after career promotion.
What happened in the wake of the graft and bribery scandal that went public on Dec. 17 and 25, 2013 is reminiscent of the Eichmann case. Throughout this process, we witnessed the results of actions by the low-caliber, ambitious people who sought to promote their career by helping corrupt politicians escape being tried on theft, corruption and graft allegations. Arendt observes that evil uses a simpler mechanism than we think, and we can safely assert that her observation applies to these events in Turkey as well. The road to terrible despotism is paved with the pursuit of small benefits and interests by a pack of corrupt politicians who support the system by giving people a share of income obtained through bribery and corrupt practices. Bureaucracy, careerism and insatiable personal interest constitute the very fuel that drives nations into a state of despotism, dictatorship and decadence.
When these toxic fuels start to burn, they destroy everything: moral values, rule of law, religious belief, principles and integrity. Thus, we can see many people indulge in all sorts of ignominious acts. This evil becomes banal when people refrain from objecting to shameless corruption in return for running for Parliament for another term, extending one's tenure as a minister or a prime minister, climbing one step up in the career ladder, or boosting one's earnings without caring about whether they are legitimate or not.
This ubiquitous decadence is rapidly spreading with shameless audacity. The degeneration starts from the top, infecting first those who are close to the top, then public organizations, then eventually the entire society. As the Turkish saying goes, "A fish rots from the head down." The result is the decay of the entire body. By allowing this decadence to spread, the AKP institutionalizes it, making it a characteristic both of themselves and Turkish society. In other words, the danger is greater than it seems.
There is another commission decision with more far-reaching consequences than the non-referral of the four former ministers -- who have been forced to resign from office in light of the corruption charges -- for trial. This decision has the potential to irreparably undermine peoples' sense of justice and their collective conscience. With the support of all nine AKP members, the commission held that all evidence of graft or bribery should be destroyed one to two days after the decision was made.
With this decision, the AKP demonstrated beyond doubt that the decadent disregard for the law that became public on Dec. 17 and 25, 2013 was not restricted to a handful of its members who had strayed from the path but has become part of the institutional identity of the AKP. This scandalous decision protected the culprits, covered up crimes and obscured evidence, implying that the corrupt former ministers constitute only the tip of the iceberg. What we now see is the corrupt, decadent and fetid identity of a ruling party that no longer sees corruption as a crime or even a shameful or sinful act. With these decisions, the entire party has, in a sense, shouted, "We are all thieves, bribe-takers and corrupt people," or even, "We are all Reza Zarrab."
This decision echoes the concept of the "banality of evil," coined by Hannah Arendt in her book "Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil." With the commission's decision, the AKP has thrown its institutional weight behind the decadence stemming from theft, bribery, graft, corruption, lies, slander and unlawfulness, making it banal. Arendt argues, though in a different context, that unfathomable evil deeds stem from ordinary people.
In the wake of World War II, Nazi officer Adolf Eichmann was caught in Argentina and taken to Jerusalem to be tried on charges of genocide. The New Yorker sent Arendt, a German philosopher living in New York, to Jerusalem to cover the trial. Arendt monitored the trial and recorded her impressions. She later collected her observations in a book, explaining the crime Eichmann committed in sending millions to death in concentration camps through the concept of the "banality of evil." With this concept, Arendt argued not that "evil" itself is "banal," but that gross crimes against humanity can be committed by ordinary people. Eichmann pleaded not guilty, claiming he was just complying with orders. This was the very pathology Arendt criticized: a lack of critical thinking had made Eichmann's murders "banal.”
Arendt made it clear that great acts of tyranny may be the result of simple traits, the worst of which, she argued, was "careerism." Eichmann was actually a mediocre bureaucrat, who believed he must carry out orders given to him in the best way possible so that he would be favored by his party. He assumed this was a legitimate thing to do. He sought only to further his career. In short, one of the deadliest genocides in human history was carried out by low-caliber civil servants who were after career promotion.
What happened in the wake of the graft and bribery scandal that went public on Dec. 17 and 25, 2013 is reminiscent of the Eichmann case. Throughout this process, we witnessed the results of actions by the low-caliber, ambitious people who sought to promote their career by helping corrupt politicians escape being tried on theft, corruption and graft allegations. Arendt observes that evil uses a simpler mechanism than we think, and we can safely assert that her observation applies to these events in Turkey as well. The road to terrible despotism is paved with the pursuit of small benefits and interests by a pack of corrupt politicians who support the system by giving people a share of income obtained through bribery and corrupt practices. Bureaucracy, careerism and insatiable personal interest constitute the very fuel that drives nations into a state of despotism, dictatorship and decadence.
When these toxic fuels start to burn, they destroy everything: moral values, rule of law, religious belief, principles and integrity. Thus, we can see many people indulge in all sorts of ignominious acts. This evil becomes banal when people refrain from objecting to shameless corruption in return for running for Parliament for another term, extending one's tenure as a minister or a prime minister, climbing one step up in the career ladder, or boosting one's earnings without caring about whether they are legitimate or not.
This ubiquitous decadence is rapidly spreading with shameless audacity. The degeneration starts from the top, infecting first those who are close to the top, then public organizations, then eventually the entire society. As the Turkish saying goes, "A fish rots from the head down." The result is the decay of the entire body. By allowing this decadence to spread, the AKP institutionalizes it, making it a characteristic both of themselves and Turkish society. In other words, the danger is greater than it seems.
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